The everyday practical
activity of tribesmen reproduces, or perpetuates, a tribe. This reproduction
is not merely physical, but social as well. Through their daily activities
the tribesmen do not merely reproduce a group of human beings; they reproduce
a tribe, namely a particular social form within which this group of human
beings performs specific activities in a specific manner. The specific
activities of the tribesmen are not the outcome of "natural" characteristics
of the men who perform them, the way the production of honey is an outcome
of the "nature" of a bee. The daily life enacted and perpetuated by the
tribesman is a specific social response to particular material and historical
The everyday activity of slaves reproduces slavery. Through their daily
activities, slaves do not merely reproduce themselves and their masters
physically; they also reproduce the instruments with which the master
represses them, and their own habits of submission to the master's authority.
To men who live in a slave society, the master-slave relation seems like
a natural and eternal relation. However, men are not born masters or slaves.
Slavery is a specific social form, and men submit to it only in very particular
material and historical conditions.
The practical everyday activity of wage-workers reproduces wage labor
and capital. Through their daily activities, "modern" men, like tribesmen
and slaves, reproduce the inhabitants, the social relations and the ideas
of their society; they reproduce the social form of daily life. Like the
tribe and the slave system, the capitalist system is neither the natural
nor the final form of human society; like the earlier social forms, capitalism
is a specific response to material and historical conditions.
Unlike earlier forms of social activity, everyday life in capitalist society
systematically transforms the material conditions to which capitalism
originally responded. Some of the material limits to human activity come
gradually under human control. At a high level of industrialization, practical
activity creates its own material conditions as well as its social form.
Thus the subject of analysis is not only how practical activity in capitalist
society reproduces capitalist society, but also how this activity itself
eliminates the material conditions to which capitalism is a response.
Daily Life in Capitalist Society
The social form of people's regular activities under capitalism is a response
to a certain material and historical situation. The material and historical
conditions explain the origin of the capitalist form, but do not explain
why this form continues after the initial situation disappears. A concept
of "cultural lag" is not an explanation of the continuity of a social
form after the disappearance of the initial conditions to which it responded.
This concept is merely a name for the continuity of the social form. When
the concept of "cultural lag" parades as a name for a "social force" which
determines human activity, it is an obfuscation which presents the outcome
of people's activities as an external force beyond their control. This
is not only true of a concept like "cultural lag." Many of the terms used
by Marx to describe people's activities have been raised to the status
of external and even "natural" forces which determine people's activity;
thus concepts like "class struggle," "production relations" and particularly
"The Dialectic," play the same role in the theories of some "Marxists"
that "Original Sin," "Fate" and "The Hand of Destiny" played in the theories
of medieval mystifiers.
In the performance of their daily activities, the members of capitalist
society simultaneously carry out two processes: they reproduce the form
of their activities, and they eliminate the material conditions to which
this form of activity initially responded. But they do not know they carry
out these processes; their own activities are not transparent to them.
They are under the illusion that their activities are responses to natural
conditions beyond their control and do not see that they are themselves
authors of those conditions. The task of capitalist ideology is to maintain
the veil which keeps people from seeing that their own activities reproduce
the form of their daily life; the task of critical theory is to unveil
the activities of daily life, to render them transparent, to make the
reproduction of the social form of capitalist activity visible within
people's daily activities.
Under capitalism, daily life consists of related activities which reproduce
and expand the capitalist form of social activity. The sale of labor-time
for a price (a wage), the embodiment of labortime in commodities (saleable
goods, both tangible and intangible), the consumption of tangible and
intangible commodities (such as consumer goods and spectacles)-these activities
which characterize daily life under capitalism are not manifestations
of "human nature," nor are they imposed on men by forces beyond their
If it is held that man is "by nature" an uninventive tribesman and an
inventive businessman, a submissive slave and a proud craftsman an independent
hunter and a dependent wage-worker, then either man's "nature" is an empty
concept, or man's "nature'' depends on material and historical conditions,
and is in fact a response to those conditions.
Alienation of Living Activity
In capitalist society, creative activity takes the form of commodity production,
market production of marketable goods, and the results of human activity
take the form of commodities. Marketability or saleability is the universal
characteristic of all practical activity and all products. The products
of human activity which are necessary for survival have the form of saleable
goods: they are only available in exchange for money. And money is only
available in exchange for commodities. If a large number of men accept
the legitimacy of these conventions, if they accept the convention that
commodities are a prerequisite for money, and that money is a prerequisite
for survival, then they find themselves locked into a vicious circle.
Since they have no commodities, their only exit from this circle is to
regard themselves, or parts of themselves, as commodities. And this is,
in fact, the peculiar "solution" which men impose on themselves in the
face of specific material and historical conditions. They do not exchange
their bodies or parts of their bodies for money. They exchange the creative
content of their lives, their practical daily activity, for money.
As soon as men accept money as an equivalent for life, the sale of living
activity becomes a condition for their physical and social survival. Life
is exchanged for survival. Creation and production come to mean sold activity.
A man's activity is "productive," useful to society, only when it is sold
activity. And the man himself is a productive member of society only if
the activities of his daily life are sold activities. As soon as people
accept the terms of this exchange, daily activity takes the form of universal
The sold creative power, or sold daily activity, takes the form of labor.
Labor is a historically specific form of human activity. Labor is abstract
activity which has only one property: it is marketable, it can be sold
for a given quantity of money. Labor is indifferent activity: indifferent
to the particular task performed and indifferent to the particular subject
to which the task is directed. Digging, printing and carving are different
activities, but all three are labor in capitalist society. Labor is simply
"earning money." Living activity which takes the form of labor is a means
to earn money. Life becomes a means of survival.
This ironic reversal is not the dramatic climax of an imaginative novel;
it is a fact of daily life in capitalist society. Survival, namely self-preservation
and reproduction, is not the means to creative practical activity, but
precisely the other way around. Creative activity in the form of labor,
namely sold activity, is a painful necessity for survival; labor is the
means to selfpreservation and reproduction.
The sale of living activity brings about another reversal. Through sale,
the labor of an individual becomes the "property" of another, it is appropriated
by another, it comes under the control of another. In other words, a person's
activity becomes the activity of another, the activity of its owner; it
becomes alien to the person who performs it. Thus one's life, the accomplishments
of an individual in the world, the difference which his life makes in
the life of humanity, are not only transformed into labor, a painful condition
for survival; they are transformed into alien activity, activity performed
by the buyer of that 1abor. In capitalist society, the architects, the
engineers, the laborers, are not builders; the man who buys their labor
is the builder; their projects, calculations and motions are alien to
them; their living activity, their accomplishments, are his.
Academic sociologists, who take the sale of labor for granted, understand
this alienation of labor as a feeling: the worker's activity "appears"
alien to the worker, it "seems" to be controlled by another. However,
any worker can explain to the academic sociologists that the alienation
is neither a feeling nor an idea in the worker's head, but a real fact
about the worker's daily life. The sold activity is in fact alien to the
worker; his labor is in fact controlled by its buyer.
In exchange for his sold activity, the worker gets money, the conventionally
accepted means of survival in capitalist society. With this money he can
buy commodities, things, but he cannot buy back his activity. This reveals
a peculiar "gap" in money as the "universal equivalent." A person can
sell commodities for money, and he can buy the same commodities with money.
He can sell his living activity for money, but he cannot buy his living
activity for money.
The things the worker buys with his wages are first of all consumer goods
which enable him to survive, to reproduce his laborpower so as to be able
to continue selling it; and they are spectacles, objects for passive admiration.
He consumes and admires the products of human activity passively. He does
not exist in the world as an active agent who transforms it. but as a
helpless impotent spectator he may call this state of powerless admiration
"happiness," and since labor is painful, he may desire to be "happy,"
namely inactive, all his life (a condition similar to being born dead).
The commodities, the spectacles, consume him; he uses up living energy
in passive admiration; he is consumed by things. In this sense, the more
he has, the less he is. (An individual can surmount this death-in-life
through marginal creative activity; but the population cannot, except
by abolishing the capitalist form of practical activity, by abolishing
wagelabor and thus de-alienating creative activity.)
The Fetishism of Commodities
By alienating their activity and embodying it in commodities, in material
receptacles of human labor, people reproduce themselves and create Capital.
From the standpoint of capitalist ideology, and particularly of academic
Economics, this statement is untrue: commodities are "not the product
of labor alone"; they are produced by the primordial "factors of production,"
Land, Labor and Capital, the capitalist Holy Trinity, and the main "factor"
is obviously the hero of the piece, Capital.
The purpose of this superficial Trinity is not analysis, since analysis
is not what these Experts are paid for. They are paid to obfuscate, to
mask the social form of practical activity under capitalism, to veil the
fact that producers reproduce themselves, their exploiters, as well as
the instruments with which they're exploited. The Trinity formula does
not succeed in convincing. It is obvious that land is no more of a commodity
producer than water, air, or the sun. Furthermore Capital, which is at
once a name for a social relation between workers and capitalists, for
the instruments of production owned by a capitalist, and for the money-equivalent
of his instruments and "intangibles," does not produce anything more than
the ejaculations shaped into publishable form by the academic Economists.
Even the instruments of production which are the capital of one capitalist
are primordial "factors of production" only if one's blinders limit his
view to an isolated capitalist firm, since a view of the entire economy
reveals that the capital of one capitalist is the material receptacle
of the labor alienated to another capitalist. However, though the Trinity
formula does not convince, it does accomplish the task of obfuscation
by shifting the subject of the question: instead of asking why the activity
of people under capitalism takes the form of wage-labor, potential analysts
of capitalist daily life are transformed into academic house-Marxists
who ask whether or not labor is the only "factor of production."
Thus Economics (and capitalist ideology in general) treats land, money,
and the products of labor, as things which have the power to produce,
to create value, to work for their owners, to transform the world. This
is what Marx called the fetishism which characterizes people's everyday
conceptions, and which is raised to the level of dogma by Economics. For
the economist, living people are things ("factors of production"), and
things live (money "works," Capital "produces"). The fetish worshipper
attributes the product of his own activity to his fetish. As a result,
he ceases to exert his own Fewer (the power to transform nature, the power
to determine the form and content of his daily life); he exerts only those
"powers" which he attributes to his fetish (the "power" to buy commodities).
In other words, the fetish worshipper emasculates himself and attributes
virility to his fetish.
But the fetish is a dead thing, not a living being; it has no virility.
The fetish is no more than a thing for which, and through which, capitalist
relations are maintained. The mysterious power of Capital, its "power"
to produce, its virility, does not reside in itself, but in the fact that
people alienate their creative activity, that they sell their labor to
capitalists, that they materialize or reify their alienated labor in commodities.
In other words, people are bought with the products of their own activity,
yet they sec their own activity as the activity of Capital, and their
own products as the products of Capital. By attributing creative power
to Capital and not to their own activity, they renounce their living activity,
their everyday life, to Capital, which means that people give themselves
daily, to the personification of Capital, the capitalist.
By selling their labor, by alienating their activity, people daily reproduce
the personifications of the dominant forms of activity under capitalism,
they reproduce the wage-laborer and the capitalist. They do not merely
reproduce the individuals physically, but socially as well; they reproduce
individuals who are sellers of labor-power, and individuals who are owners
of means of production; they reproduce the individuals as well as the
specific activities, the sale as well as the ownership.
Every time people perform an activity they have not themselves defined
and do not control, every time they pay for goods they produced with money
they received in exchange for their alienated activity, every time they
passively admire the products of their own activity as alien objects procured
by their money, they give new life to Capital and annihilate their own
The aim of the process is the reproduction of the relation between the
worker and the capitalist. However, this is not the aim of the individual
agents engaged in it. Their activities are not transparent to them; their
eyes are fixed on the fetish that stands between the act and its result.
The individual agents keep their eyes fixed on things, precisely those
things for which capitalist relations are established. The worker as producer
aims to exchange his daily labor for money-wages, he aims precisely for
the thing through which his relation to the capitalist is re established,
the thing through which he reproduces himself as a wage- worker and the
other as a capitalist. The worker as consumer exchanges his money for
products of labor, precisely the things which the capitalist has to sell
in order to realize his Capital.
The daily transformation of living activity into Capital is mediated by
things, it is not carried out by the things. The fetish worshipper does
not know this; for him labor and land, instruments and money, entrepreneurs
rind bankers, are all "factors" and "agents." When a hunter wearing an
amulet downs a deer with a stone, he may consider the amulet an essential
"factor" in downing the deer and even in providing the deer as an object
to be downed. If he is a responsible and well-educated fetish worshipper,
he will devote his attention to his amulet, nourishing it with care and
admiration; in order to improve the material conditions of his life, he
will improve the way he wears his fetish, not the way he throws the stone;
in a bind, he may even send his amulet to "hunt" for him. His own daily
activities are not transparent to him: when he eats well, he fails to
see that it is his own action of throwing the stone, and not the action
of the amulet, that provided his food; when he starves, he fails to See
that it is his own action of worshipping the amulet instead of hunting,
and not the wrath of his fetish, that causes his starvation.
The fetishism of commodities and money, the mystification of one's daily
activities, the religion of everyday life which attributes living activity
to inanimate things, is not a mental caprice born in men's imaginations;
it has its origin in the character of social relations under capitalism.
Men do in fact relate to each other through things; the fetish is in fact
the occasion for which they act collectively, and through which they reproduce
their activity. But it is not the fetish that performs the activity. It
is not Capital that transforms raw materials, nor Capital that produces
goods. If living activity did not transform the materials, these would
remain untransformed, inert, dead matter. If men were not disposed to
continue selling their living activity, the impotence of Capital would
be revealed; Capital would cease to exist; its last remaining potency
would be the power to remind people of a bypassed form of everyday life
characterized by daily universal prostitution.
The worker alienates his life in order to preserve his life. If he did
not sell his living activity he could not get a wage and could not survive.
However, it is not the wage that makes alienation the condition for survival.
If men were collectively not disposed to sell their lives, if they were
disposed to take control over their own activities, universal prostitution
would not be a condition for survival. It is people's disposition to continue
selling their labor, and not the things for which they sell it, that makes
the alienation of living activity necessary for the preservation of life.
The living activity sold by the worker is bought by the capitalist. And
it is only this living activity that breathes life into Capital and makes
it "productive." The capitalist, an "owner" of raw materials and instruments
of production, presents natural objects and products of other people's
labor as his own "private property. But it is not the mysterious power
of Capital that creates the capitalist's "private property" ;living activity
is what creates the "property," and the form of that activity is what
keeps it "private."
Transformation of Living Activity into Capital
The transformation of living activity into Capital takes place through
things, daily, but is not carried out by things. Things which are products
of human activity seem to be active agents because activities and contacts
are established for and through things, and because people's activities
are not transparent to them; they confuse the mediating object with the
In the capitalist process of production, the worker embodies or materializes
his alienated living energy in an inert object by using instruments which
are embodiments of other people's activity. (Sophisticated industrial
instruments embody the intellectual and manual activity of countless generations
of inventors, improvers and producers from all corners of the globe and
from varied forms of society.) The instruments in themselves are inert
objects; they are material embodiments of living activity, but are not
themselves alive. The only active agent in the production process is the
living laborer. He uses the products of other people's labor and infuses
them with life, so to speak, but the life is his own; he is not able to
resurrect the individuals who stored their living activity in his instrument.
The instrument may enable him to do more during a given time period, and
in this sense it may raise his productivity. But only the living labor
which is able to produce can be productive.
For example, when an industrial worker runs an electric lathe, he uses
products of the labor of generations of physicists, inventors, electrical
engineers, lathe makers. He is obviously more productive than a craftsman
who carves the same object by hand. But it is in no sense the "Capital"
at the disposal of the industrial worker which is more "productive" than
the "Capital'' of the craftsman. If generations of intellectual and manual
activity had not been embodied in the electric lathe, if the industrial
worker had to invent the lathe, electricity, and the electric lathe, then
it would take him numerous lifetimes to turn a single object on an electric
lathe, and no amount of Capital could raise his productivity above that
of the craftsman who carves the object by hand.
The notion of the "productivity of capital," and particularly the detailed
measurement of that "productivity," are inventions of the "science" of
Economics, that religion of capitalist daily life which uses up people's
energy in the worship, admiration and flattery of the central fetish of
capitalist society. Medieval colleagues of these "scientists" performed
detailed measurements of the height and width of angels in Heaven, without
ever asking what angels or Heaven were, and taking for granted the existence
The result of the worker's sold activity is a product which does not belong
to him. This product is an embodiment of his labor, a materialization
of a part of his life, a receptacle which contains his living activity,
but it is not his; it is: as alien to him as his labor. He did not decide
to make it, and when it is made he does not dispose of it. If he wants
it, he has to buy it. What he has made is not simply a product with certain
useful properties; for that he did not need to sell his labor to a capitalist
in exchange for a wage; he need only have picked the necessary materials
and the available tools, he need only have shaped the materials guided
by his goals and limited by his knowledge and ability. (It is obvious
that an individual can only do this marginally; men's appropriation and
use of the materials and tools available to them can only take place after
the overthrow of the capitalist form of activity.)
What the worker produces under capitalist conditions is a product with
a very specific property, the property of saleability. What his alienated
activity produces is a commodity.
Because capitalist production is commodity production, the statement that
the goal of the process is the satisfaction of human needs is false; it
is a rationalization and an apology. The "satisfaction of human needs"
is not the goal of the capitalist or of the worker engaged in production,
nor is it a result of the process. The worker sells his labor in order
to get a wage; the specific content of the labor is indifferent to him;
he does not alienate his labor to a capitalist who does not give him a
wage in exchange for it, no matter how many human needs this capitalist's
products may satisfy. The capitalist buys labor and engages it in production
in order to emerge with commodities which can be sold. He is indifferent
to the specific properties of the product, just as he is indifferent to
people's needs; all that interests him about the product is how much it
will sell for, and all that interests him about people's needs is how
much they "need" to buy and how they can be coerced, through propaganda
and psychological conditioning, to "need" more. The capitalist's goal
Is to satisfy his need to reproduce and enlarge Capital, and the result
of the process is the expanded reproduction of wage labor and Capital
(which are not "human needs").
The commodity produced by the worker is exchanged by the capitalist for
a specific quantity of money; the commodity is a value which is exchanged
for an equivalent value. In other words, the living and past labor materialized
in the product can exist in two distinct yet equivalent forms, in commodities
and in money, or in what is common to both, value. This does not mean
that value is labor. Value is the social form of reified (materialized)
labor in capitalist society.
Under capitalism, social relations are not established directly; they
are established through value. Everyday activity is not exchanged directly;
it is exchanged In the form of value. Consequently, what happens to living
activity under capitalism cannot be traced by observing the activity itself,
but only by following the metamorphoses of value.
When the living activity of people takes the form of labor (alienated
activity), it acquires the property of exchangeability; it acquires the
form of value. In other words, the labor can be exchanged for an "equivalent"
quantity of money (wages). The deliberate alienation of living activity,
which is perceived as necessary for survival by the members of capitalist
society, itself reproduces the capitalist form within which alienation
is necessary for survival. Because of the fact that living activity has
the form of value, the products of that activity must also have the form
of value: they must be exchangeable for money. This is obvious since,
if the products of labor did not take the form of value, but for example
the form of useful objects at the disposal of society, then they would
either remain in the factory or they would be taken freely by the members
of society whenever a need for them arose; in either case, the money-wages
received by the workers would have no value, and living activity could
not be sold for an "equivalent" quantity of money; living activity could
not be alienated. Consequently, as soon as living activity takes the form
of value, the products of that activity take the form of value, and the
reproduction of everyday life takes place through changes or metamorphoses
The capitalist sells the products of labor on a market; he exchanges them
for an equivalent sum of money; he realizes a determined value. The specific
magnitude of this value on a particular market is the price of the commodities.
For the academic Economist, Price is St. Peter's key to the gates of Heaven.
Like Capital itself, Price moves within a wonderful world which consists
entirely of objects; the objects have human relations with each other,
and are alive; they transform each other, communicate with each other;
they marry and have children. .nd of course it is only through the grace
of these intelligent, powerful and creative objects that people can be
so happy in capitalist society.
In the Economist's pictorial representations of the workings of heaven,
the angels do everything and men do nothing at all; men simply enjoy what
these superior beings do for them. Not only does Capital produce and money
work; other mysterious beings have similar virtues. Thus Supply, a quantity
of things which are sold, and Demand, a quantity of things which are bought,
together determine Price, a quantity of money; when Supply and Demand
marry on a particular point of the diagram, they give birth to Equilibrium
Price, which corresponds to a universal state of bliss. The activities
of everyday life are played out by things, and people are reduced to things
("factors of production") during their productive" hours, and to passive
spectators of things during their "leisure time." The virtue of the Economic
Scientist consists of his ability to attribute the outcome of people's
everyday activities to things, and of his inability to see the living
activity of people underneath the antics of the things. For the Economist,
the things through which the activity of people is regulated under capitalism
are themselves the mothers and sons, the causes and consequences of their
The magnitude of value, namely the price of a commodity, the quantity
of money for which it exchanges, is not determined by things, but by the
daily activities of people. Supply and demand, perfect and imperfect competition,
are nothing more than social forms of products and activities in capitalist
society; they have no life of their own. The fact that activity is alienated,
namely that labor-time is sold for a specific sum of money, that it has
a certain value, has several consequences for the magnitude of the value
of the products of that labor. The value of the sold commodities must
at least be equal to the value of the labor-time. This is obvious both
from the standpoint of the individual capitalist firm, and from the standpoint
of society as a whole. If the value of the commodities sold by the individual
capitalist were smaller than the value of the labor he hired, then his
labor expenditures alone would be larger than his earnings, and he would
quickly go bankrupt. Socially, if the value of the laborers production
were smaller than the value of their consumption, then the labor force
could not even reproduce itself, not to speak of a class of capitalists.
However, if the value of the commodities were merely equal to the value
of the labor- time expended on them, the commodity producers would merely
reproduce themselves, and their society would not be a capitalist society;
their activity might still consist of commodity production, but it would
not be capitalist commodity production.
For labor to create Capital, the value of the products of labor must be
larger than the value of the labor. In other words, the labor force must
produce a surplus product, a quantity of goods which it does not consume,
and this surplus product must be transformed into surplus value, a form
of value which is not appropriated by workers as wages, but by capitalists
as profit. Furthermore, the value of the products of labor must be larger
still, since living labor is not the only kind of labor materialized in
them. In the production process, workers expend their own energy, but
they also use up the stored labor of others as instruments, and they shape
materials on which labor was previously expended.
This leads to the strange result that the value of the laborer's products
and the value of his wage are different magnitudes, namely that the sum
of money received by the capitalist when he sells the commodities produced
by his hired laborers is different from the sum he pays the laborers.
This difference is not explained by the fact that the used- up materials
and tools must be paid for. If the value of the sold commodities were
equal to the value of the living labor and the instruments, there would
still be no room for capitalists. The fact is that the difference between
the two magnitudes must be large enough to support a class of capitalists-not
only the individuals, but also the specific activity that these individuals
engage in, namely the purchase of labor. The difference between the total
value of the products and the value of the labor spent on their production
is surplus value, the seed of Capital.
In order to locate the origin of surplus value, it is necessary to examine
why the value of the labor is smaller than the value of the commodities
produced by it. The alienated activity of the worker transforms materials
with the aid of instruments, and produces a certain quantity of commodities.
However, when these commodities are sold and the used-up materials and
instruments are paid for, the workers are not given the remaining value
of their products as their wages; they are given less. In other words,
during every working day, the workers perform a certain quantity of unpaid
labor, forced label, for which they receive no equivalent.
The performance of this unpaid labor, this forced labor, is another "condition
for survival" in capitalist society. However, like alienation, this condition
is not imposed by nature, but by the collective practice of people, by
their everyday activities. Before the existence of unions, an individual
worker accepted whatever forced labor was available, since rejection of
the labor would have meant that other workers would accept the available
terms of exchange, and the individual worker would receive no wage. Workers
competed with each other for the wages offered by capitalists; if a worker
quit because the wage was unacceptably low, an unemployed worker was willing
to replace him, since for the unemployed a small wage is higher than no
wage at all. This competition among workers was called "free labor" by
capitalists, who made great sacrifices to maintain the freedom of workers,
since it was precisely this freedom that preserved the surplus value of
the capitalist and made it possible for him to accumulate Capital. It
was not any worker's aim to produce more goods than he was paid for. His
aim was to get a wage which was as large as possible. However, the existence
of workers who got no wage at all, and whose conception of a large wage
was consequently more modest than that of an employed worker, made it
possible for the capitalist to hire labor at a lower wage. In fact, the
existence of unemployed workers made it possible for the capitalist to
pay the lowest wage that workers were willing to work for. Thus the result
of the collective daily activity of the workers, each striving individually
for the largest possible wage, was to lower the wages of all; the effect
of the competition of each against all was that all got the smallest possible
wage, and the capitalist got the largest possible surplus.
The daily practice of all annuls the goals of each. But the workers did
not know that their situation was a product of their own daily behavior;
their own activities were not transparent to them. To the workers it seemed
that low wages were simply a natural part of life, like illness and death,
and that falling wages were a natural catastrophe, like a flood or a hard
winter. The critiques of socialists and the analyses of Marx, as well
as an increase in industrial development which afforded more time for
reflection, stripped away some of the veils and made it possible for workers
to see through their activities to some extent. However. in Western Europe
and the United States, workers did not get rid of the capitalist form
of daily life; they formed unions. And in the different material conditions
of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, workers (and peasants) replaced
the capitalist class with a state bureaucracy that purchases alienated
labor and accumulates Capital in the name of Marx.
With unions, daily life is similar to what it was before unions. in fact,
it is almost the same. Daily life continues to consist of labor, of alienated
activity, and of unpaid labor, or forced labor. The unionized worker no
longer settles the terms of his alienation; union functionaries do this
for him. The terms on which the worker's activity is alienated are no
longer guided by the individual worker's need to accept what is available;
they are now guided by the union bureaucrat's need to maintain his position
as pimp between the sellers of labor and the buyers.
With or without unions, surplus value is neither a product of nature nor
of Capital; it is created by the daily activities of people. In the performance
of their daily activities, people are not only disposed to alienate these
activities, they are also disposed to reproduce the conditions which force
them to alienate their activities, to reproduce Capital and thus the power
of Capital to purchase labor. This is not because they do not know "what
the alternative is." A person who is incapacitated by chronic indigestion
because he eats ton much grease does not continue eating grease because
he does not know what the alternative is. Either he prefers being incapacitated
to giving up grease, or else it is not clear to him that his daily consumption
of grease causes his incapacity. And if his doctor, preacher, teacher
and politician tell him, first, that the grease is what keeps him alive,
and secondly that they already do for him everything he would do if he
were well, then it is not surprising that his activity is not transparent
to him and that he makes no great effort to render it transparent.
The production of surplus value is a condition of survival, not for the
population, but for the capitalist system Surplus value is the portion
of the value of commodities produced by labor which is not returned to
the laborers. It can be expressed either in commodities or in money (just
as Capital can be expressed either as a quantity things or of money),
but this does not alter the fact that it is an expression for the materialized
labor which is stored in a given quantity of products. Since the products
can be exchanged for an "equivalent" quantity of money, the money "stands
for", or represents, the same value as the products. The money can, in
turn, be exchanged for another quantity of products of "equivalent" value.
The ensemble of these exchanges, which take place simultaneously during
the performance of capitalist daily life, constitutes the capitalist process
of circulation. It is through this process that the metamorphosis of surplus
value into Capital takes place.
The portion of value which does not return to labor, namely surplus value,
allows the capitalist to exist, and it also allows him to do much more
than simply exist. The capitalist invests a portion of this surplus value;
he hires new workers and buys new means of production; he expands his
dominion. What this means is that the capitalist accumulates new labor,
both in the form of the living labor he hires and of the past labor (paid
and unpaid) which is stored in the materials and machines he buys.
The capitalist class as a whole accumulates the surplus labor of society,
but this process takes place on a social scale and consequently cannot
be seen if one observes only the activities of an individual capitalist.
It must be remembered that the products bought by a given capitalist as
instruments have the same characteristics as the products he sells. A
first capitalist sells instruments to a second capitalist for a given
sum of value, and only a part of this value is returned to workers as
wages; the remaining part is surplus value, with which the first capitalist
buys new instruments and labor. The second capitalist buys the instruments
for the given value, which means that he pays for the total quantity of
labor rendered to the first capitalist, the quantity of labor which was
remunerated as well as the quantity performed free of charge. This means
that the instruments accumulated by the second capitalist contain the
unpaid labor performed for the first. The second capitalist, in turn,
sells his products for a given value, and returns only a portion of this
value to his laborers; he uses the remainder for new instruments and labor.
If the whole process were squeezed into a single time period, and if all
the capitalists were aggregated into one, it would he seen that the value
with which the capitalist acquires new instruments and labor is equal
to the value of the products which he did not return to the producers.
This accumulated surplus labor is Capital.
In terms of capitalist society as a whole, the total Capital is equal
to the sum of unpaid labor performed by generations of human beings whose
lives consisted of the daily alienation of their living activity. In other
words Capital, in the face of which men sell their living days, is the
product of the sold activity of men, and is reproduced and expanded every
day a man sells another working day, every moment he decides to continue
living the capitalist form of daily life.
Storage and Accumulation of Human Activity
The transformation of surplus labor into Capital is a specific historical
form of a more general process, the process of industrialization, the
permanent transformation of man's material environment.
Certain essential characteristics of this consequence of human activity
under capitalism can he grasped by means of a simplified illustration.
In an imaginary society, people spend most of their active time producing
food and other necessities; only part of their time is "surplus time"
in the sense that it is exempted from the production of necessities. This
surplus activity may be devoted to the production of food for priests
and warriors who do not themselves produce; it may be used to produce
goods which are burned for sacred occasions; it may be used up in the
performance of ceremonies or gymnastic exercises. In any of these cases,
the material conditions of these people are not likely to change, from
one generation to another, as a result of their daily activities. However,
one generation of people of this imaginary society may store their surplus
time instead of using it up. For example, they may spend this surplus
time winding up springs. The next generation may unwind the energy stored
in the springs to perform necessary tasks, or may simply use the energy
of the springs to wind new springs. In either case, the stored surplus
labor of the earlier generation will provide the new generation with a
larger quantity of surplus working time. The new generation may also store
this surplus in springs and in other receptacles. In a relatively short
period, the labor stored in the springs will exceed the labor time available
to any living generation; with the expenditure of relatively little energy,
the people of this imaginary society will be able to harness the springs
to most of their necessary tasks, and also to the task of winding new
springs for coming generations. Most of the living hours which they previously
spent producing necessities will now be available for activities which
are not dictated by necessity but projected by the imagination.
At first glance it seems unlikely that people would devote living hours
to the bizarre task of winding springs. It seems just as unlikely, even
if they wound the springs, that they would store them for future generations,
since the unwinding of the springs might provide, for example, a marvellous
spectacle on festive days.
However, if people did not dispose of their own lives, if their working
activity were not their own, if their practical activity consisted of
forced labor, then human activity might well be harnessed to the task
of winding springs, the task of storing surplus working time in material
receptacles. The historical role of Capitalism, a role which was performed
by people who accepted the legitimacy of others to dispose of their lives,
consisted precisely of storing human activity in material receptacles
by means of forced labor.
As soon as people submit to the "power" of money to buy stored labor as
well as living activity, as soon as they accept the fictional "right"
of money-holders to control and dispose of the stored as well as the living
activity of society, they transform money into Capital and the owners
of money into Capitalists.
This double alienation, the alienation of living activity in the form
of wage labor, and the alienation of the activity of past generations
in the form of stored labor (means of production), is not a single act
which took place sometime in history. The relation between workers and
capitalists is not a thing which imposed itself on society at some point
in the past, once and for all. At no time did men sign a contract, or
even make a verbal agreement, in which they gave up the power over their
living activity, and in which they gave up the power over the living activity
of all future generations on all parts of the globe.
Capital wears the mask of a natural force; it seems as solid as the earth
itself; its movements appear as irreversible as tides; its crises seem
as unavoidable as earthquakes and floods. Even when it is admitted that
the power of Capital is created by men, this admission may merely be the
occasion for the invention of an even more imposing mask, the mask of
a man-made force, a Frankenstein monster, whose power inspires more awe
than that of any natural force.
However, Capital is neither a natural force nor a man- made monster which
was created sometime in the past and which dominated human life ever since.
The power of Capital does not reside in money, since money is a social
convention which has no more "power" than men are willing to grant it;
when men refuse to sell their labor, money cannot perform even the simplest
tasks, because money does not "work."
Nor does the power of Capital reside in the material receptacles in which
the labor of past generations is stored, since the potential energy stored
in these receptacles can be liberated by the activity of living people
whether or not the receptacles are Capital, namely alien property." Without
living activity, the collection of objects which constitute society's
Capital would merely be a scattered heap of assorted artefacts with no
life of their own, and the "owners'' of Capital would merely be a scattered
assortment of uncommonly uncreative people (by training) who surround
themselves with bits of paper in a vain attempt to resuscitate memories
of past grandeur. The only "power" of Capital resides in the daily activities
of living people; this "power" consists of the disposition of people to
sell their daily activities in exchange for money, and to give up control
over the products of their own activity and of the activity of earlier
As soon as a person sells his labor to a capitalist and accepts only a
part of his product as payment for that labor, he creates conditions for
the purchase and exploitation of other people. No man would willingly
give his arm or his child in exchange for money; yet when a man deliberately
and consciously sells his working life in order to acquire the necessities
for life, he not only reproduces the conditions which continue to make
the sale of his life a necessity for its preservation; he also creates
conditions which make the sale of life a necessity for other people. Later
generations may of course refuse to sell their working lives for the same
reason that he refused to sell his arm; however each failure to refuse
alienated and forced labor enlarges the stock of stored labor with which
Capital can buy working lives.
In order to transform surplus labor into Capital, the capitalist has to
find a way to store it in material receptacles, in new means of production.
and he must hire new laborers to activate the new means of production.
In other words, he must enlarge his enterprise, or start a new enterprise
in a different branch of production. This presupposes or requires the
existence of materials that can be shaped into new saleable commodities,
the existence of buyers of the new products, and the existence of people
who are poor enough to be willing to sell their labor. These requirements
are themselves created by capitalist activity, and capitalists recognize
no limits or obstacles to their activity; the democracy of Capital demands
Imperialism is not merely the "last stage" of Capitalism; it is also the
Anything which can be transformed into a marketable good is grist for
Capital's mill, whether it lies on the capitalist's land or on the neighbor's,
whether it lies above ground or under, Boats on the sea or crawls on its
floor; whether it is confined to other continents or other planets. All
of humanity's explorations of nature, from Alchemy to Physics, are mobilized
to search for new materials in which to store labor, to find new objects
that someone can be taught to buy.
Buyers for old and new products are created by any and all available means,
and new means are constantly discovered. "Open markets" and "open doors"
are established by force and fraud. If people lack the means to buy the
capitalists' products, they are hired by capitalists and are paid for
producing the goods they wish to buy; if local craftsmen already produce
what the capitalists have to sell, the craftsmen are ruined or bought-out;
if laws or traditions ban the use of certain products, the laws and the
traditions are destroyed; if people lack the objects on which to use the
capitalists' products, they are taught to buy these objects; if people
run out of physical or biological wants, then capitalists "satisfy" their
"spiritual wants" and hire psychologists to create them; if people are
so satiated with the products of capitalists that they can no longer use
new objects, they are taught to buy objects and spectacles which have
no use but can simply be observed and admired.
Poor people are found in pre-agrarian and agrarian societies on every
continent; if they are not poor enough to be willing to sell their labor
when the capitalists arrive, they are impoverished by the activities of
the capitalists themselves. The lands of hunters gradually become the
"private property" of "owners" who use state violence to restrict the
hunters to "reservations" which do not contain enough food to keep them
alive. The tools of peasants gradually become available only from the
same merchant who generously lends them the money with which to buy the
tools, until the peasants' "debts" are so large that they are forced to
sell land which neither they nor any of their ancestors had ever bought.
The buyers of craftsmen's products gradually become reduced to the merchants
who market the products, until the day comes when a merchant decides to
house "his craftsmen" under the same roof, and provides them with the
instruments which will enable all of them to concentrate their activity
on the production of the most profitable items. Independent as well as
dependent hunters, peasants and craftsmen, free men as well as slaves,
are transformed into hired laborers. Those who previously disposed of
their own lives in the face of harsh material conditions cease to dispose
of their own lives precisely when they take up the task of modifying their
material conditions; those who were previously conscious creators of their
own meagre existence become unconscious victims of their own activity
even while abolishing the meagreness of their existence. Men who were
much but had little now have much but are little.
The production of new commodities, the "opening" of new markets, the creation
of new workers, are not three separate activities; they are three aspects
of the same activity. A new labor force is created precisely in order
to produce the new commodities; the wages received by these laborers are
themselves the new market; their unpaid labor is the source of new expansion.
Neither natural nor cultural barriers halt the spread of Capital, the
transformation of people's daily activity into alienated labor, the transformation
of their surplus labor into the "private property" of capitalists. However,
Capital is not a natural force; it is a set of activities performed by
people every day; it is a form of daily life; its continued existence
and expansion presuppose only one essential condition: the disposition
of people to continue to alienate their working lives and thus reproduce
the capitalist form of daily life.
Reprinted in 'Anything Can Happen', October 1992, Phoenix Press, London,
which also contains Perlman's 'The Continuing Appeal of Nationalism'